China’s perspective on reforming the UN system

Moritz Rudolf

As China re-emerges as a global power, it is assuming a prominent role in the United

Nations reform process. Chinese scholars and think-tanks have recently been more

outspoken in identifying deficiencies in international governance, and have become

more detailed in their reform proposals.

The necessity of UN reform

A study by the China Institute of Contemporary International Relations Research

Group (CICIR) argues that the UN is facing unprecedented challenges in maintaining

its authority.[1] It argues that the UN system has lost credibility, since globalisation

and transnational phenomena constitute a challenge to the principle of sovereignty as

anticipated by the UN Charter. Sovereign governments are less able and willing to

participate in seeking to fulfil the UN’s mission. In addition, the rise of emerging

powers does not sit comfortably with the traditional global power structure

underlying the UN system. The authors point to deficiencies in the UN safeguarding

international peace and security and they express doubts about whether it is able to

effectively address global development issues. In addition, they question the ability of

the UN to solve global problems in the areas of finance, cybersecurity, counterterrorism,

and epidemic prevention.

The reform process: an overview

The CICIR study notes that over the past 70 years the UN has shown resilience and

proved capable of adjusting its “three pillars” – safeguarding peace and security,

promoting development, and human rights – to the shifting international

environment. According to Chen Xulong of the China Institute of International

Studies, the main achievements of the reform process, in recent years, when it comes

to security are: establishing the UN Peacebuilding Commission, reforming the UN

peacekeeping mechanism, and strengthening the UN anti-terrorism mechanism.[2]

The United Nations of China: A vision of the world order – April 2018 – ECFR/252 5

On development, Chen emphasises the UN Millennium Development Goals, while

with regard to human rights, he points to the establishment of the Human Rights

Council with its Universal Periodic Review mechanism. In addition, he cites efforts to

increase the efficiency of the UN administration, including the establishment of an

ethics office, advances in risk management, and improvements in resource

management – personnel, capital, and material. However, Chen identifies reform of

the UN Security Council (UNSC) as the most difficult task and argues that it has

reached a deadlock.

Key obstacles to reform

According to Li Dongyan of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, changes in the

international balance of power are the main driving forces behind UN reform, but Li

also criticises UN member states for lacking a coherent and mature reform

programme.[3] According to Chen, underlying political power conflicts complicate

the reform process. The CICIR study points to fundamental differences regarding the

direction of UN reform. While developing states focus on poverty reduction,

developed states aim to promote human rights, good governance, and the rule of law.

In addition, the study addresses fundamental disagreements among those states

around whether to prioritise humanitarian concerns or the national security concerns

of sovereign state.

Security Council reform

Mao Ruipeng an associate professor from the Shanghai University of International

Business and Economics analyses the intergovernmental negotiation process of UNSC

reform. The author divides UNSC reform since 1992 into three stages.[4] In the first

period (1992-1998), reform forces focused mainly on the question of fair

representation.[5] During the second stage (2003-2007), competing groups emerged,

including: the G4, consisting of Japan, Germany, India, and Brazil, which all sought a

permanent seat of their own; the Uniting for Consensus Group (UfC Group), which

The United Nations of China: A vision of the world order – April 2018 – ECFR/252 6

opposes increasing the number of permanent UNSC seats; and the African Union

(AU), which backs permanent representation for African countries.[6] Mao attributes

the failure of UNSC reform during this period to the competition between the G4 and

the AU, as well as to opposition from the permanent UNSC member states. The third

period started in 2009, with the official launch of the intergovernmental negotiations.

Mao points out that the unity of the AU, which the author believes is crucial to the

prospects of UNSC reform, deteriorated due to competition among African countries

over permanent UNSC representation (during the second stage). Mao argues that the

L69 Group (a group of developing countries promoting UNSC reform), which includes

co-sponsors of the draft resolution which paved the way for the intergovernmental

negotiations (A /61/L.69), is trying to establish itself as a link between the AU, the G4,

and the “Alliance of Small Island States”. Mao attributes the role of coordinator to

India, given its membership of the G4, its leadership of the L69 Group, and its efforts

to act as a mediator among the different groups.

Proposals

Chen advocates the “7-7-7 proposal” as the best means of actually achieving UNSC

reform, which was introduced by Kishore Mahbubani, the former Singaporean

ambassador to the UN. Under this proposal, seven permanent members would sit on

the UNSC: 

the European Union, the United States, China, India, Russia, Brazil, and

Nigeria. Seven “semi-permanent” members would be selected from 28 eligible

countries, with each country eligible for election every eight years for a term of four

years, and seven “non-permanent” candidates from the remaining countries.

The authors of the CICIR study provide a set of recommendations for UN and global

governance reform, including reform to the institutional structure. In addition, they

propose more coordination among the permanent UNSC members and between the

UN and entities like G7, G20, or BRICS as well as with regional international

organisations. The authors say the UN should guide NATO to play an active role in the

maintenance of international peace. They argue that in the past NATO has used the

The United Nations of China: A vision of the world order – April 2018 – ECFR/252 7

UN as a tool to interfere in internal affairs under the banner of “responsibility to

protect”. Moreover, they demand enhancement of the UN’s ability to respond to new

challenges of global governance, by reforming the international financial system and

climate regime, and strengthening the governance of “global commons” such as the

internet.

Zhang Guihong of the UN Research Center at Fudan University argues that UN reform

is necessary in order to effectively deal with new threats and challenges.[7] However,

Zhang singles out Donald Trump’s ten-point declaration on UN reform for particular

criticism. The ten points include cuts in funding for UN peacekeeping, which Zhang

calls a pragmatic policy of short-sightedness lacking strategic vision. He argues that

US financial contributions to the UN are not only a burden but also a source of

influence. If the US withdraws financially, this should also have an impact on the

power distribution within the UN, he argues. Zhang says that Beijing has continuously

strengthened its support and financial contributions to the UN, yet few UN agency

offices are based in China, and Chinese nationals remain underrepresented.

Recommendations for Beijing

Mao proposes that China adopt a strategy of “low involvement” (低介入的策略, Di jieru de celüe) in

the UNSC reform process and publicly endorse India to become a permanent UNSC

member. He reasons that doing so could help maintain India’s neutrality in foreign

policy issues that are relevant to China, including the South China Sea. Since UNSC

reform is unlikely to reach a conclusion soon, it will take considerable time until India

actually becomes a permanent member. Mao further urges China to avoid intervening

in the debates among African countries, but to remain committed as a mediator

between developed and developing countries.

The CICIR study calls on China to firmly safeguard the authority of the UN, and to use

the existing governance framework as a foundation for continuous adjustment and

improvement. China should assume greater international responsibility and provide

more conceptual support for the UN, since it has introduced new concepts like the

The United Nations of China: A vision of the world order – April 2018 – ECFR/252 8

“community of shared future of mankind” (人类命运共同体,renlei mingyun gongtongti),

the “new developmental concept of win-win cooperation” (合作共赢的新发展观,hezuo

gong ying de xin fazhan guan), and a “new security concept that goes beyond zerosum

game thinking” (超越零和博弈的新安全观,chaoyue ling he boyi de xin anquan

guan).

 INTERNATIONAL INSTITUTE FOR SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT (IISD), CANADA

The International Institute for Sustainable Development (IISD) is a Canadian-based, international public policy research institute for sustainable development. It contributes to sustainable development by advancing policy recommendations on international trade and investment, economic policy, climate change and energy, and management of natural and social capital, as well as the enabling role of communication technologies in these areas. IISD has worked with the government of China since 1992 to promote policy aligned to sustainable development. IISD’s China Program carries out research, information exchange, partnerships and advocacy. This work has been supported by the Governments of Norway, Switzerland and the United Kingdom, HSBC and the MAVA Foundation.

www.iisd.org

FINANCE RESEARCH INSTITUTE (FRI), DEVELOPMENT RESEARCH CENTER OF THE STATE COUNCIL (DRC), CHINA

The Development Research Center of the State Council (DRC) is a leading policy research and consulting institution directly under the State Council. It undertakes research on the issues concerning China’s economic and social development, as well as reform and opening up. The Finance Research Institute (FRI) focuses on theoretical and policy issues in financial reform and development and provides research and advice to the central government. FRI’s research involves policy researchers from financial regulatory departments, Chinese and international academic institutions and international financial organizations.

http://www.drc.gov.cn/yjlyyyjbm/17.html

THE INQUIRY INTO THE DESIGN OF A SUSTAINABLE FINANCIAL SYSTEM, UNEP

The Inquiry into the Design of a Sustainable Financial System has been initiated by the United Nations Environment Programme to advance policy options to deliver a step change in the financial system’s effectiveness in mobilizing capital towards a green and inclusive economy-in other words, sustainable development. Established in early 2014, it will publish its final report in October 2015.

www.unep.org/inquiry

THE FRIDTJOF NANSEN INSTITUTE (FNI), NORWAY

FNI is an independent foundation engaged in research on international environmental, energy and resource management politics. It is based in Oslo and its work includes focus on global environment governance and law, climate change and Chinese energy and environment, as well as other environmental areas. It receives support from the Research Council of Norway, and various Norwegian public bodies, business associations and private companies as well as the European Commission and international research foundations.

http://www.fni.no/themes/china.html

GREENING CHINA’S FINANCIAL SYSTEM