About Enodo Economics
Enodo Economics is an independent macroeconomic, political and geopolitical forecasting
company that focuses on China and its global impact. The company was founded
in 2016 by Diana Choyleva and is based in London. Its team of researchers has over
250 years of combined experience in analyzing China’s economy and politics. They are
spread around the world, from London to Sofia to Hong Kong.
Our clients are typically struggling to interpret economic or political developments
in China. We help by presenting in-depth analysis with clear conclusions to guide investment,
business and policy decisions. We advise asset managers who invest a total of
more than 10 trillion dollars of assets under management and cover five continents.
We have helped raise £395,704 for Cardboard Citizens, a London charity making
life-changing theatre, with and for homeless people for more than 25 years.
Acknowledgements
The authors thank the Woodrow Wilson Center for International Scholars and its
Kissinger Institute on China and the United States, led by Robert Daly, for providing us
with the best home for this project we could have asked for.
All our colleagues at Enodo Economics have been invaluable in their unique ways.
A huge thank you goes to all who have tirelessly worked on this project – Jiaming Gu,
Daniel Kasabov, Julie Zhu, Vasili Kyriacou, Kuiyan Li, Alan Wheatley, Lucy Hornby,
Ani Manova – and, especially to Seamus Keaveney and Salma Abou Zaki for their constant
encouragement and support.
This report and the deliberations leading up to it benefited tremendously from the
generous and invaluable contributions which our senior advisory panel made. Nigel
Inkster, Mervyn King, Andrew Gracie, Martin Anderson and Fraser Howie, we are
deeply grateful for your kind help and support.
We owe a large debt to all experts who took time out of their busy lives to help
us deepen our knowledge, challenge our assumptions and give us new ideas: Barry
Eichengreen, Bill Herder, Charles Dumas, Chris Ruffle, David Messenger, Erica Downs,
Fred Schutzman, Hong Hao, Ian Roper, Jackie Farrow, Jim Stent, Martin Chorzempa,
Martin Wolf, Matthew Bradbard, Orit Gadiesh, Stephan Maier, Takatoshi Ito, Tristan
Leonard, and all of those who spoke to us anonymously.
None of this would have been possible without the Smith Richardson Foundation
whose grant provided the main financial support for our work, and in particular the
guidance and advice Allan Song, our program director, so generously gave us.
Diana Choyleva & Dinny McMahon
Executive Summary
China has been trying for more than a decade to carve out a bigger global role for the
yuan, or renminbi (RMB). Beijing initially had little to show for its toil.
However, in recent years, it has changed its approach and
stepped up its efforts, driven by concerns that dependence
on the dollar – and the dollar-based global financial system
– is a strategic vulnerability that stands in the way of China’s
geopolitical ambitions.
This report charts the most recent phase of this campaign. It sets out the rationale
behind why Beijing wants to transform the yuan into an international currency, how
it’s striving to make that transformation, why it might prove unattainable, and what
progress we can expect over the next five years. It also discusses how US policymakers
should respond to the challenge.
The Chinese Communist Party is pursuing RMB internationalization for four main
reasons:
• To shield China from the fallout of what Beijing judges to be damaging US
economic policies. China views America’s deteriorating fiscal conditions, the
rapid expansion of the Fed’s balance sheet, and the unrestrained money printing
in response to the Covid-19 outbreak as evidence that the US exercises monetary
policy solely in its own interests. In doing so, Beijing believes, the US risks undermining
the legitimacy of the dollar, the world’s principal reserve currency.
• To insulate China from the potential weaponization of the dollar. The US
has been increasingly willing to sanction foreign individuals and institutions by
denying them access to US financial markets and dollar payments networks, the
fulcrum of the international financial system. China is aware that one day it could
be on the receiving end of the same sort of punitive financial sanctions that Washington
has imposed on Russia in response to its invasion of Ukraine.
• To support efforts to build a geopolitical sphere of influence. Bringing other
countries into China’s economic orbit requires financial integration, and that is
only possible once they start using the yuan.
• To help realize Beijing’s great power ambitions. China wants to change the
global governance infrastructure to better accommodate China’s interests. A globally
accepted yuan could bolster its claim to represent a viable alternative order to
the one led by the US.
At its core, China’s goal is fairly simple. It wants to be able
to purchase what it needs from other countries using its
own currency and its own payments systems. It wants to
reduce its dependence on the dollar and achieve greater
financial self-reliance.
But China does not necessarily want the RMB to supplant the dollar as the dominant
global currency. Rather, Beijing envisions a multi-currency order, one where the yuan
co-exists alongside the dollar and the euro as a regional currency. It’s unlikely that China
can realize any of its goals within a decade.
China launched its RMB internationalization effort in response to what it saw as the
West’s bungled response to the Global Financial Crisis.
Stage 1 of its campaign (2009 – mid-2015) laid the foundations, making it possible to
transact in yuan overseas and creating opportunities for foreigners to use the currency.
During Stage 2 (mid-2015 – mid-2017), it became clear that the yuan’s progress over
the previous period was the result of firms taking advantage of the yuan's appreciation
against the dollar, and arbitrage opportunities arising from differences between onshore
and offshore yuan markets. During these two years the yuan’s cross-border use
declined, prompting Beijing to reassess how to proceed.
The result is the current phase – Stage 3 (mid-2017 – present). It is focused on giving
foreigners reasons for using the yuan that are based on its merits as a medium of exchange,
store of value, and unit of account – the characteristics of a global reserve currency.
At its most basic, Beijing is trying to create a permanent
and sustainable cycle of yuan flowing out of China into the
global economy, then flowing back in again. Beijing is trying
to ramp up outflows by concentrating its efforts on trade.
Meanwhile, the main channel for inflows is investment into
China’s financial markets.
However, there are deeply entrenched barriers that stand in the way of foreigners
embracing the yuan. The dollar is cheaper than the yuan to obtain globally - and more
readily accessible - because of the huge pools of dollars that exist outside of the US.
The yuan is not going to be able to close the gap until it becomes an international currency.
Consequently, Beijing is exploring ways to get foreigners to use yuan regardless
of transaction costs.
Outflows – payments and pricing
Beijing is trying to institutionalize yuan outflows by changing the underlying factors
that determine the currency used for cross-border trade. We’ve identified four areas
that Beijing is targeting:
Commodities: Futures exchanges in the US and London set the benchmark prices
for most of the world’s commodities. Consequently, global trade in commodities is
almost entirely carried out in dollars. Beijing hopes to be able to shift the epicenter
of global commodity futures trading to China in order to make the yuan the dominant
currency for settling commodity transactions.
Industrial/processed goods: China’s economy is running up against a number
of constraints – labor has grown expensive, water is scarce, energy demands huge,
agricultural land limited. Beijing hopes to use Chinese capital to build factories in
BRI countries that will produce goods that will be sold to China. The hope is that
those goods will be priced and settled in yuan.
Supply chains: Asian supply chains usually transact in dollars. That’s because
the end consumer of the components they produce is the US and other developed
economies. Beijing wants to make yuan the settlement and invoicing currency of
choice by transforming China from a processor of goods produced in Asia into a
consumer. In short, Beijing wants to establish China as the economic anchor of an
Asian trade bloc, thereby giving it greater say over what currency is used throughout
the region.
E-commerce: Beijing hopes that it can circumvent traditional trade settlement
patterns by using new technology and processes to increase the yuan’s use.
Inflows – financial markets
Beijing is trying to increase inflows of yuan by encouraging foreign investment into
China’s financial markets. Its strategy has two prongs.
Capital account liberalization: Beijing is gradually removing curbs on foreign
investment. There is no longer a limit on how much foreign investment Beijing is
willing to accept, although there are still restrictions on who can invest.
Crucially, most of that investment has to enter China using the yuan. In recent
years, Beijing has established multiple channels through which foreigners can invest
in stocks, bonds, and a range of other financial products, but almost all of them
require that the investments be made in yuan sourced from outside of China.
Financial market reform: To increase yuan inflows, it’s not enough to remove
restrictions on foreign investment. Beijing also needs to give foreigners a reason to
invest in China’s financial markets. Those markets are currently underdeveloped.
To enable RMB internationalization, they eventually need to display many of the
qualities that make US financial markets so dominant. Specifically, China’s markets
need to provide investment opportunities that aren’t available to people in
their home economies.
To create a more favorable investment environment, Beijing is striving to make China’s
capital markets deeper, broader, and more liquid.
• To make them deeper, the rate at which companies are going public on the Shenzhen
and Shanghai stock exchanges has accelerated. Moreover, new exchanges
have been launched catering to small companies and tech firms in order to broaden
the range of firms able to list.
• To make them broader, Beijing is introducing a wider range of financial products
that span the spectrum of risk-return.
• And to increase liquidity, Beijing is using reforms to pensions, the housing sector,
and wealth management products to direct more funds into the equity and
bond markets.
Financial infrastructure
In an effort to make the yuan cheaper and more convenient to use, Beijing is improving
the payments system used to transact in yuan. The two main elements of its efforts
are the launch of a digital currency – the e-CNY – and the development of CIPS, China’s
cross-border trade settlement and communications platform.
The e-CNY has fanned talk that Beijing wants the yuan to leapfrog the dollar by harnessing
new technology, thereby burnishing the currency’s global credentials. Meanwhile,
there’s been speculation that Western financial sanctions against Russia will give
the yuan a boost as Russian firms turn to CIPS as an alternative to SWIFT.
Both the e-CNY and CIPS will be useful tools to support
RMB internationalization, but neither is capable of driving
the process. Their value is dependent on the success of the
type of reforms outlined in this report.
But if China manages to deploy the e-CNY for cross-border payments successfully in
coming years, this could promote RMB internationalization by making Beijing more
willing to open China’s capital account.
Barriers to RMB internationalization
There are reasons to believe that Beijing’s goals may prove unachievable. There are
significant – potentially insurmountable – barriers in the way of the yuan being adopted
as an international currency.
• China may struggle to maintain robust economic growth. China’s population
is aging rapidly and is about to start shrinking, constituting a major drag on
growth. Meanwhile, Beijing is trying to restructure the economy so that it’s no
longer dependent on housing and infrastructure, but rather on domestic consumption,
tech innovation, and advanced manufacturing. There are no guarantees
that the transition will be successful.
• The culture of the Chinese Communist Party may stand in the way of necessary
reform. The Party is willing to tolerate free markets up to the point where
it’s happy with the outcome. At that point it intervenes, often in ways that ignore
the interests of foreigners and investors. Over the past couple of years, China has
been labeled “uninvestable” by some in the globally investment community, specifically
for this reason.
• Geopolitically, China may struggle to find countries willing to join its
sphere of influence. China has a track record of using economic coercion against
trading partners that cause offense. Were the yuan to become a regional currency,
that would give China additional tools to wield against its neighbors. While large
Asian economies will want to maintain their trade relationship with China, they
may prove reluctant to commit to overly-restrictive financial links.
The next five years
Regardless of whether Beijing is able to achieve its goals, RMB internationalization
will undoubtedly make progress over the next five years. We anticipate further relaxation
on investment into China, and more reform of China’s financial markets.
Some of China’s biggest ambitions will take longer than our five-year window to gain
traction, specifically changing the way global commodities are priced, and changing the
invoicing habits of Asian supply chains. However, we expect China will make progress
in new areas – areas that haven’t been important to Beijing’s RMB internationalization
strategy until now.
We expect Beijing to make progress in three main fields:
Offshore market: The flow of Chinese savings into Hong Kong’s financial markets
will increase significantly, resulting in the issuance of more yuan-denominated
securities in Hong Kong and attracting foreign firms and institutions to raise
capital there – in yuan.
Safe assets: Beijing will make the technical adjustments necessary for Chinese
government bonds to be used as collateral for cross-border financial transactions,
sparking a surge of global demand for those instruments.
Financial services: As part of their ambitions to become international financial
centers, Shanghai, the Greater Bay Area along the Pearl River, and Chongqing will
develop financial services industries that start to generate demand from companies
in BRI countries.
Policy implications
Incremental increases in the yuan’s cross-border use don’t threaten US interests. Both
the yen and pound are used far more globally than the yuan, and their relatively prominent
role hasn’t translated into geopolitical influence for Japan or the UK. It will be
some time before the yuan’s global use exceeds that of either currency.
The US shouldn’t try to prevent minor progress in the yuan’s
global use – which won’t translate into geopolitical
gains any time soon – but rather should focus on ensuring
that the dollar order serves the interests of those countries
that share US principles.
If the US wants to retain its geopolitical role in the Indo-Pacific it needs to maintain
its military presence throughout the region and deepen its economic ties. In particular,
the Federal Reserve could extend dollar swap lines with the countries that the White
House has labeled “leading regional partners” in its Indo-Pacific strategy paper, thereby
helping minimize any damage caused by US monetary policy.
Additionally, the US should strive to minimize the degree to which its own financial
system is intertwined with that of China, perhaps by disincentivizing US financial firms
from investing in China.
Substituting the dollar for yuan in ways that bolster China’s economic security and
regional influence will require fairly radical changes to the way China’s economy
operates. But even then, it’s not enough for Beijing to simply implement all the right
reforms. Success depends on whether attitudes toward the dollar among foreign companies,
financial institutions, and central banks change in ways that allow the yuan’s
share of cross-border transactions to increase.
Whether the yuan is capable of becoming a truly international
currency is a question that will be settled years in the future.
In the meantime – and certainly over the next five years
– we expect Beijing to remain committed to the macroeconomic
and microeconomic reforms outlined in this report.
Not only are many of those reforms necessary to achieve yuan internationalization,
they are also needed to address pressing domestic challenges: accommodating China’s
aging population, developing a vibrant tech sector, and supporting more equitable
wealth distribution.
Regardless of whether the yuan eventually becomes an international currency, the
changes that Beijing is pursuing will resonate globally, alter the functioning of trade
and markets, and create new challenges for policymakers in the US and other developed
nations.